Chapter 7: Health, Wellbeing and the Changing Structure of Communities
Executive Summary
Key transformations are needed to facilitate climate resilient development pathways (CRDPs) for health, wellbeing, migration and conflict avoidance (high confidence). The transformational changes will be more effective if they are responsive to regional, local and Indigenous knowledge and consider the many dimensions of vulnerability, including those that are gender- and age-specific (high confidence). A key pathway towards climate resilience in the health sector is universal access to primary healthcare, including mental healthcare (high confidence). Investments in other sectors and systems that improve upon the social determinants of health have the potential to reduce vulnerability to climate-related health risks (high confidence). Links between climate risks, adaptation, migration and labour markets highlight the value of providing better mobility options as part of transformative change (medium confidence). Strong governance and gender-sensitive approaches to natural resource management can reduce the risk of inter-group conflict in climate-disrupted areas (medium confidence) {7.4.6; Cross-Chapter Box COVID in Chapter 7; Cross-Chapter Box HEALTH in Chapter 7; Cross-Chapter Box GENDER in Chapter 18; Cross-Chapter Box INDIG in Chapter 18; Cross-Chapter Box MIGRATE in Chapter 7}.
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Observed Impacts
Climate hazards have affected armed conflict within countries (medium confidence), but the influence of climate is small compared to socioeconomic, political and cultural factors (high confidence). Climate increases conflict risk by undermining food and water security, income and livelihoods in situations where there are large populations, weather-sensitive economic activities, weak institutions and high levels of poverty and inequality (high confidence). In urban areas, food and water insecurity and inequitable access to services has been associated with civil unrest where there are weak institutions (medium confidence). Climate hazards are associated with increased violence against women, girls and vulnerable groups, and the experience of armed conflict is gendered (medium confidence). Adaptation and mitigation projects implemented without consideration of local social dynamics have exacerbated non-violent conflict (medium confidence) {7.2.7}.
Solutions
Adaptation and sustainable development build peace in conflictprone regions by addressing the drivers of grievances that lead to conflict and vulnerability to climate change (high confidence). Environmental peacebuilding (EP) through natural resource sharing, conflict-sensitive adaptation and climate-resilient peacebuilding offer promising avenues for addressing conflict risk, but their efficacy is still to be demonstrated through effective monitoring and evaluation (high confidence). Formal institutional arrangements for natural resource management contribute to wider cooperation and peacebuilding (high confidence) and gender-based approaches provide under-utilised pathways to achieving sustainable peace (medium confidence). Inclusion, cross-issue and cross-sectoral integration in policy and programming, and approaches that incorporate different geographical scales and work across national boundaries can support climateresilient peace (high confidence) {7.4.5, 7.4.6}.
7.1 Introduction
This chapter assesses peer-reviewed and selected grey literature published since the IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) on the impacts and projected future risks of climate change for health, wellbeing, migration and conflict, taking into consideration determinants of vulnerability and the dynamic structure of human populations and communities. Particular attention is given to potential adaptation challenges and actions as well as potential co-benefits for health associated with mitigation actions. AR5 presented strong evidencebased statements regarding the likely impacts of climate change on health, migration and conflict in two separate chapters on Human Health (Chapter 11) and Human Security (Chapter 12). The present chapter covers all topics found in AR5 Chapter 11 and Sections 12.4 (Migration and Mobility Dimensions of Human Security), 12.5 (Climate Change and Armed Conflict) and 12.6 (State Integrity and Geopolitical Rivalry) and provides an additional, expanded assessment of mental health impacts, gender dimensions of climate risks and solution pathways.
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7.1.7 Hazards, Exposure and Vulnerability in the Context of Human Health, Well-Being and the Changing Structure of Communities
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7.1.7.3 Heightened Vulnerability to Climate-Related Impacts on Health and Well-Being Experienced by Specific Groups and Through Specific Pathways
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7.1.7.3.1 Women and Girls
Climate change poses distinct risks to women’s health. Vulnerability to climate-related impacts on health and well-being shows notable differentiations according to gender, beyond implications for pregnant women. In many societies, differential exposure to such risks relate to gendered livelihood practices and mobility options. Pregnancy and maternal status heighten vulnerability to heat, infectious diseases, food-borne infections and air pollution (Arroyo et al., 2016; Ngo and Horton, 2016; Zhang et al., 2017b). Extreme heat events, high ambient temperatures, high concentrations of airborne particulates, water-related illnesses and natural hazards are associated with higher rates of adverse pregnancy outcomes such as spontaneous abortion, stillbirth, low birth weight and pre-term birth (Arroyo et al., 2016; Ngo and Horton, 2016; Abiona, 2017; Auger et al., 2017; Molina and Saldarriaga, 2017; Zhang et al., 2017b). Women and girls are at greater risk of food insecurity (FAO, 2018; Alston and Akhter, 2016), which is particularly problematic in combination with the nutritional needs associated with pregnancy or breastfeeding. Women and girls are more likely to die in extreme weather events (Garcia and Sheehan, 2016; Yang et al., 2019). Women are also expected to face a greater mental health burden in a changing climate (Manning and Clayton, 2018). Further, climatic extremes and water scarcity are associated with increases in violence against girls and women (Anwar et al., 2019; Opondo et al., 2016; Le Masson et al., 2016; Udas et al., 2019).
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7.1.7.3.6 Indigenous Peoples
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Box 7.1 | Indigenous Peoples’ Health and Well-Being in a Changing Climate
Gender inequities amplify the tertiary health effects of climate change (Williams, 2018; Garnier et al., 2020). In an Inuit community, for instance, women reported a higher level of mental stress related to climate change than men (Harper et al., 2015). Adverse pregnancy outcomes and altered developmental trajectories have also been associated with climate change (Hall et al., 2021). Indigenous Batwa women in Uganda reported experiencing more severe circumstances of food insecurity during pregnancy due to drought and unpredictable seasons negatively impacting agricultural practices (de Leon-Martinez et al., 2020). More studies with a gender perspective on climate change as a determinant of Indigenous Peoples’ health are needed, along with the perspectives of indigenous children and youth, displaced individuals and communities in urban settings (Kowalczewski and Klein, 2018).
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7.1.7.3.7 Vulnerability Experienced through Food Systems
Stresses and shocks associated with climate change are drivers of food insecurity, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia and Latin America (Betts et al., 2018). The most vulnerable groups include smallholder farmers, pastoralists, agricultural laborers, poorer households, refugees, indigenous groups, women, children, the elderly and those who are socioeconomically marginalised (FAO et al., 2018; IPCC, 2019b) (high confidence). Men, women, children, the elderly and the chronically ill have different nutritional needs and these vulnerabilities may be amplified by gendered norms and differential access to resources, information and power (IPCC, 2019b). Extreme climate events have immediate and long-term impacts on food insecurity and malnutrition in poor and vulnerable communities, including when women and girls need to undertake additional duties as laborers and caregivers (FAO et al., 2018).
7.2. Observed Impacts of Climate Change on Health, Well-Being, Migration and Conflict
7.2.1 Observed Impacts on Health and Well-Being
Figure 7.4 | Interactions between hazard, exposure and vulnerability that generate impacts on health systems and outcomes, with selected examples. WBD: waterborne disease, VBD: Vector-borne disease, and FBD: Food-borne disease
Please refer to page 1071 to see Figure 7.4, which mentions gender.
7.2.2 Observed Impacts on Communicable Diseases
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7.2.2.4 Respiratory Tract Infections
Climatic risk factors for respiratory tract infections (RTIs) due to multiple pathogens (bacteria, viruses and fungi) include temperature and humidity extremes, dust storms, extreme precipitation events and increased climate variability. Amongst a range of RTIs, pneumonia and influenza represent a significant disease burden (Ferreira-Coimbra et al., 2020; Lafond et al., 2021; McAllister et al., 2019; Wang et al., 2020c). The drivers of pneumonia incidence are complex and include a range of possible non-climate as well as climate factors. For example, chronic diseases (e.g., lung disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) and asthma), other comorbidities, a weak immune system, age, gender, community, passive smoking, air pollution and childhood immunisation may confound the climate pneumonia relationship (Miyayo et al., 2021).
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Cross-Chapter Box COVID | COVID-19
Cascading and compounding risks and impacts
The COVID-19 pandemic posed a severe shock to many socioeconomic systems, resulting in substantial changes in vulnerability and exposure of people to climate risks (high confidence). The disease and response measures significantly affected human health, economic activity, food production and availability, health services, poverty, social and gender inequality, education, supply chains, infrastructure maintenance and the environment. These COVID-19 impacts interact with many risks associated with climate change (IMF, 2020), often through a cascade of impacts across numerous sectors (van den Hurk et al., 2020). Beyond COVID-19-related mortality and long-term COVID, mortality from other diseases (some of which may also have a climate-related component), as well as maternal and neonatal mortality, increased because of disruption in health services (Barach et al., 2020; Maringe et al., 2020; Zadnik et al., 2020; Goyal et al., 2021). In addition, a rapid rise in poverty has disproportionately affected poorer countries and people (Ferreira et al., 2021), and thus increased their vulnerability. After many years of steady declines, extreme poverty increased by about 100 million people in 2020 (World Bank, 2021). The effects of the pandemic increased food insecurity and malnourishment, which increased by 1.5 percentage points to around 9.9% in 2020 after being virtually unchanged for the previous five years (FAO et al., 2021).
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7.2.5 Observed Impacts on Mental Health and Well-Being
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7.2.5.1 Observed Impacts on Mental Disorders
Figure 7.6 | Climate change impacts on mental health and key adaptation responses. PTSD: Post traumatic stress disorder.
Please refer to page 1088 to see the Figure 7.6, which references gender.
7.2.6 Observed Impacts on Migration
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7.2.6.2 Immobility and Resettlement in the Context of Climatic Risks
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Box 7.4 | Gender Dimensions of Climate-Related Migration
Migration decision-making and outcomes—in both general terms and in response to climatic risks—are strongly mediated by gender, social context, power dynamics and human capital (Bhagat, 2017; Singh and Basu, 2020; Rao et al., 2019a; Ravera et al., 2016). Women tend to suffer disproportionately from the negative impacts of extreme climate events for reasons ranging from caregiving responsibilities to lack of control over household resources to cultural norms for attire (Belay et al., 2017; Jost et al., 2016). In many cultures, migrants are most often able-bodied, young men (Call et al., 2017; Heaney and Winter, 2016). Women wait longer to migrate because of higher social costs and risks (Evertsen and Van Der Geest, 2019) and barriers such as social structures, cultural practices, lack of education and reproductive roles (Belay et al., 2017; Afriyie et al., 2018; Evertsen and Van Der Geest, 2019).
Research critiques the tendency to portray women as victims of climate hazards rather than recognising differences between women and the potential for women to use their agency and informal networks to negotiate their situations (Eriksen et al., 2015; Ngigi et al., 2017; Pollard et al., 2015; Rao et al., 2019b; Ravera et al., 2016). Migration can change household composition and structure, which in turn affects the adaptive capacity and choices of those who do not move (Rao et al., 2019a; Rao et al., 2019b; Singh, 2019). For example, when only male household members move, the remaining members of the now female-headed household must take on greater workloads (Goodrich et al., 2019; Rao et al., 2019b; Rigg and Salamanca, 2015), leading to increased workload and greater vulnerability for those left behind (Arora et al., 2017; Bhagat, 2017; Flatø et al., 2017; Lawson et al., 2019). It can, however, also increase women’s economic freedom and decision-making capacity, enhance their agency (Djoudi et al., 2016; Rao, 2019) and alter the gendered division of paid work, care and intra-household relations (Rigg et al., 2018; Singh and Basu, 2020), a process that may reduce household vulnerability to extreme climate events (Banerjee et al., 2019b).
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7.2.7 Observed Impacts of Climate on Conflict
7.2.7.1 Introduction
Consistent with AR5 findings, there continues to be little observed evidence that climatic variability or change cause violent inter-state conflict. In intra-state settings, climate change has been associated with the onset of conflict, civil unrest or riots in urban settings (high agreement, medium evidence) (Ide (2020), and changes in the duration and severity of existing violent conflicts (Koubi, 2019). Climate change is conceptualised as one of many factors that interact to raise tensions (Boas and Rothe, 2016) through diverse causal mechanisms (Mach et al., 2019; Ide et al., 2020) and as part of the peace-vulnerabilitydevelopment nexus (Barnett, 2019; Abrahams, 2020; Buhaug and von Uexkull, 2021). New areas of the literature assessed in this report include the security implications of responses to climate change, the gendered dynamics of conflict and exposure to violence under climate change and civil unrest in urban settings. The impact of violent conflict on vulnerability is not addressed in this chapter but does arise in other chapters (Sections 8.3.2.3, 17.2.2.2). Other chapters address non-violent conflict over changing availability and distribution of resources, for example, competing land uses and fish stocks migrating to different territories (Sections 5.8.2.3; 5.8.3, 5.9.3, 5.13, 9.8.1.1, 9.8.5.1). A commonly used definition of armed conflict is conflicts involving greater than 25 battle-related deaths in a year; this number represents the Uppsala Conflict Data Program threshold for inclusion in their database, a core resource in this field.
7.2.7.4 Gendered Dimensions of Climate-Related Conflict
Structural inequalities play out at an individual level to create gendered experiences of violence (high agreement, medium evidence). Violent conflict is experienced differently by men and women because of gender norms that already exist in society and shape vulnerabilities. For example, conflict deepens gendered vulnerabilities to climate change related to unequal access to land and livelihood opportunities (Chandra et al., 2017). Motivations for inter-group violence may be influenced by constructions of masculinity, for example the responsibility to secure their family’s survival or pay dowries (Myrttinen et al., 2017), and gendered roles may incentivise young men to protest or to join non-state armed groups during periods of adverse climate (Myrttinen et al., 2015; Myrttinen et al., 2017; Anwar et al., 2019; Hendrix and Haggard, 2015; Koren and Bagozzi, 2017). Research has found a positive correlation between crop failures and suicides by male farmers who could not adapt their livelihoods to rising temperatures (Bryant and Garnham 2015; Kennedy and King, 2014; Carleton, 2017).
Extreme weather and climate impacts are associated with increased violence against women, girls and vulnerable groups (high agreement, medium evidence). During and after extreme weather events, women, girls and LGBTQI people are at increased risk of domestic violence, harassment, sexual violence and trafficking (Le Masson et al., 2019; Nguyen, 2019;Myrttinen et al., 2015; Chindarkar, 2012). For example, early marriage is used as a coping strategy for managing the effects of extreme weather events (Ahmed et al., 2019) and women are exposed to increase risk of harassment and sexual assault as scarcity and gender-based roles cause them to walk longer distances to fetch water and fuel (Le Masson et al., 2019). Within the household, violent backlash or heightened tensions may arise from changing gender norms as men migrate to find work in post-disaster settings (Stork et al., 2015) and men’s use of negative coping mechanisms, such as alcoholism, when unable to meet norms of providing for the household (Anwar et al., 2019; Stork et al., 2015). Rates of intimate partner violence have been found to increase with higher temperatures (SanzBarbero et al., 2018).
7.3 Projected Future Risks under Climate Change
7.3.1 Projected Future Risks for Health and Well-Being
7.3.1.11 Future Risks Related to Mental Health and Well-Being
Climate change is expected to have adverse impacts on well-being, some of which will become serious enough to threaten mental health (very high confidence). However, changes (Hayes and Poland, 2018) in extreme events due to climate change, including floods (Baryshnikova, 2019), droughts (Carleton, 2017) and hurricanes (Kessler et al., 2008; Boscarino et al., 2013, Boscarino et al., 2017; Obradovich et al., 2018), which are projected to increase due to climate change, directly worsen mental health and well-being and increase anxiety (high confidence). Projections suggest that sub-Saharan African children and adolescents, particularly girls, are extremely vulnerable to negative direct and indirect impacts on their mental health and well-being (Atkinson and Bruce, 2015; Owen et al., 2016). The direct risks are greatest for people with existing mental disorders, physical injuries, and compromised respiratory, cardiovascular and reproductive systems, with indirect impacts potentially arising from displacement, migration, famine and malnutrition, degradation or destruction of health and social care systems, conflict, and climate-related economic and social losses (high to very high confidence) (Burke et al., 2018; Curtis et al., 2017; Hayes et al., 2018; Serdeczny et al., 2017; Watts et al., 2019). Demographic factors increasing vulnerability include age, gender and low socioeconomic status, though the effect of these will vary depending on the specific manifestation of climate change; overall, climate change is predicted to increase inequality in mental health across the globe (Cianconi et al., 2020). Based on evidence assessed in Section 7.2, future direct impacts of increased heat risks and associated illnesses can be expected to have negative implications for mental health and well-being, with outcomes being highly mediated by adaptation, but there are no assessable studies that quantify such risks. There may be some benefits to mental health and well-being associated with fewer very cold days in the winter; however, research is inconsistent. Any positive effect associated with reduced low-temperature days is projected to be outweighed by the negative effects of increased high temperatures (Cianconi et al., 2020).
7.3.2 Migration and Displacement in a Changing Climate
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7.3.2.2 Interactions with Non-climatic Determinants and Projections of Future Migration Flows
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Box 7.5 | Uncertainties in projections of future demographic patterns at global, regional and national scales
Projections of future numbers of people exposed to climate change-related hazards described in this chapter and elsewhere in this report are heavily influenced by assumptions about population change over time at global, regional and national scales. One challenge concerns global and regional variability of baseline data for current populations, which is typically aggregated from national censuses that vary considerably in terms of frequency, timing and reliability, especially in low-income countries. A number of gridded mapping dataset initiatives emerged in recent years to support population–environment modelling research at global and regional levels, common ones being the Gridded Population of the World, the Global Rural Urban Mapping Project, and LandScan Global Population dataset (McMichael et al., 2020). For future population projections at national levels, researchers commonly draw upon data generated by the Population Division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, which publishes periodic projections for future fertility, mortality, and international migration rates for over 200 countries, the most recent projections being for the 2020 to 2100 period (UN DESA Population Division, 2019). There have been debates among demographers regarding the precision of DESA projections, and whether these overestimate or underestimate future population growth in some regions (Ezeh et al., 2020). Population growth rates are highly influenced by socioeconomic conditions, meaning that future population levels at local, national and regional scales are likely to respond to relative rates of progress towards meeting the Sustainable Development Goals (Abel et al., 2016). The Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs) used in climate impacts and adaptation research include a variety of assumptions about future mortality, fertility and migration rates and provide a range of population growth scenarios that diverge after the year 2030 according to future development trajectories (Samir and Lutz, 2017) and are then further modified and downscaled by researchers for national-level studies. Understanding future risks of climate change will benefit from continued efforts by the international community to collect and share data on observed population numbers and trends, and to work towards better projected data for population characteristics that strongly influence vulnerability to climate risks, such as gender, age and indigeneity.
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7.4 Adaptation to Key Risks and Climate Resilient Development Pathways
Adaptation to prevent climate change from exacerbating conflict risk involves meeting development objectives encapsulated in the SDGs. Conflict-sensitive adaptation and climate-sensitive peacebuilding offer promising avenues to addressing conflict risk, but their efficacy is yet to be demonstrated through effective monitoring and evaluation (Gilmore et al., 2018). Associations between environmental factors and conflict are weak in comparison to socioeconomic and political drivers. Therefore, meeting the SDGs, including Goal 16 on peace, justice and strong institutions represent unambiguous pathways to reducing conflict risk under climate change (Singh and Chudasama, 2021). Actively pursuing peace rather than taking conflict for granted (Barnett, 2019), improving focus on gender within peacebuilding (Dunn and Matthew, 2015; UNEP, 2021) and understanding how natural resources and their governance interact with peacebuilding (Krampe et al., 2021) present key elements of CRDPs for sustainable peace.
7.4.2
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7.4.2 Adaptation Strategies, Policies and Interventions
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7.4.2.6 Multi-sectoral Adaptation for Risks of Malnutrition
Nutrition-sensitive and integrated agroecological farming systems offer opportunities to increase dietary diversity at household levels while building local resilience to climate-related food insecurity (high confidence) (Bezner Kerr et al., 2021; IPES-Food, 2020; Altieri et al., 2015) especially when gender equity, racial equity and social justice are integrated (Bezner Kerr et al., 2021). Adaptation responses include a combination of healthy, culturally appropriate and sustainable food systems and diets; soil and water conservation; social protection schemes and safety nets; access to health services; nutrition-sensitive risk reduction; community-based development; women’s empowerment; nutrition-smart investments; increased policy coherence; and institutional and cross-sectoral collaboration (high agreement, medium evidence) (FAO et al., 2018; Mbow et al., 2019; Pozza and Field, 2020; FAO et al., 2021; Table 7.7). Nutrition security can be enhanced through consideration of nutrient flows in food systems (Harder et al., 2021).This ‘circular nutrient economy’ perspective highlights the potential for adaptations throughout the food supply chain, including sustainable production practices that promote nutrient diversity and density, processing, storage, and distribution that conserves nutrition; equitable access and consumption of available, affordable, appropriate, and healthy foods; and waste management that supports nutrient recovery (Harder et al., 2021; Boon and Anuga, 2020; FAO et al., 2021; Pozza and Field, 2020; Ritchie et al., 2018). Traditional, indigenous and small-scale agroecology and regional food systems provide context-specific adaptations that promote food and nutrition security as well as principles of food sovereignty and food systems resilience (HLPE, 2020; Bezner Kerr et al., 2021; IPES-Food, 2020; IPES-Food, 2018).
Table 7.7 | Summary of adaptation options for key risks associated with malnutrition.
Please refer to page 1123 to see Table 7.7, which mentions gender.
7.4 Adaptation to Key Risks and Climate Resilient Development Pathways
7.4.4 Migration and Adaptation in the Context of Climate Change
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7.4.4.2 Climate, Migration and Linkages to Labour Markets and Social Networks
Adaptive climate-related migration is often closely related to wage-seeking labour migration (medium confidence). Due to the circumstances under which they move, climate-related migrants’ destinations, labour market choices and returns from migration may be more heavily constrained than those of other labour migrants (Jessoe et al., 2018; Wrathall and Suckall, 2016).Within low- and middle-income countries, rural–urban migrant networks are important channels for remittances that may help build socioeconomic resilience to climate hazards in sending areas (Porst and Sakdapolrak, 2020), with higher levels of wage-seeking labour participation observed in climatesensitive locales in south Asia (Maharjan et al., 2020). Local-level research in China and south Asia shows, however, that the potential for remittances to generate improvements in household level adaptive capacity is highly context specific, has significant gender dimensions and depends on such factors as the nature of the hazard, the distance migrated and the length of time over which remittances are received (Banerjee et al., 2019a; Banerjee et al., 2019b). Social networks are a key asset in helping climate migrants overcome financial and structural impediments to their mobility, but these have their limits, particularly with respect to international migration (Semenza and Ebi, 2019). Since AR5, greater restrictions have emerged on movement between many low- and high-income countries (not including those necessitated by public health measures during the COVID-19 pandemic), a trend that, if it continues, would generate additional constraints on destination choices for future climate migrants (McLeman, 2019). Transnational diasporic connections are a potential asset for building resilience in migrant-sending communities highly exposed to climatic risks, with migrants’ remittances potentially providing resources for longterm resilience building, recovery from extreme events and reducing income inequality (Bragg et al., 2018; Mosuela et al., 2015; Obokata and Veronis, 2018; Shayegh, 2017; Semenza and Ebi, 2019). Safe and orderly labour migration is consequently a potentially beneficial component of wider cross-sectoral approaches to building adaptive capacity and supporting sustainable development in regions highly exposed to climate risks (McLeman, 2019).
7.4.5 Adaptation Solutions for Reducing Conflict Risks
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7.4.5.3 Gender-Based Approaches to Peacebuilding
Gender-based approaches provide novel under-utilised pathways to achieving sustainable peace (high confidence). Security council resolutions have encouraged the incorporation of gender analysis into peacebuilding and research has shown that taking into account the gendered nature of networks and dialogues opens new avenues for cooperation that are conflict sensitive (Dunn and Matthew, 2015), creating potential for women’s rights and advocacy groups to be drivers of peace (Céspedes-Báez, 2018). For example, women are working to reduce climate vulnerability security risks in urban settings by entering local politics and joining community-based organised and civil society networks (Kellog, 2020). The gendered nature of vulnerability and access to natural resources (Sections 4.6.4, 4.7.5.3, 5.4.2.3, 5.5.2.6, 5.8.2.2; Cross-Chapter Box GENDER in Chapter 18) will influence the efficacy of interventions to prevent conflict or to build durable peace (Pearse, 2017; Chandra et al., 2017; Fröhlich et al., 2018). However, this understanding has not so far resulted in widespread employment of gender-led analyses (Fröhlich and Gioli, 2015). This represents a key opportunity for expansion of the solution space for climate-related conflict. Analysis of peace processes more generally demonstrates the benefits of women’s participation in peace processes for devising strategies for building peace (Paffenholz, 2018; Cárdenas and Olivius, 2021) and for the durability of that peace (Shair-Rosenfield and Wood, 2017; Krause et al., 2018).
7.4.6 Climate Resilient Development Pathways
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7.4.6.4 Achieving the SDGs Would Increase Resilience in Health-Determining Sectors and Contribute to Reducing the Risks of Involuntary Displacement and Conflict
The SDGs are globally agreed objectives that integrate the economic, environmental and social aspects of sustainable development to end poverty, protect nature and ensure that all people enjoy peace and prosperity. The SDGs were developed under the principle that the goals are integrated and indivisible, such that progress in one goal depends on progress in others (WHO, 2016b). Promoting health and well-being is not the sole responsibility of the health sector; it is also partially determined by strategies, policies and options such as poverty reduction, promoting gender equality, ensuring all people enjoy peace and prosperity, eliminating nutritional insecurity and ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation (Morton et al., 2019; Bennett et al., 2020). Unique themes in the SDGs for health policy and systems research include social protection, access to health services, stronger and more effective multi-sectoral collaborations beyond the health sector to address the upstream drivers of health and well-being, and participatory and accountable institutions to strengthen civic engagement and local accountability within health systems (Bennett et al., 2020).
7.4.6.7 Inclusive and Integrative Approaches to ClimateResilient Peace
CRDPs to reduce conflict risk rely on a shift in perspective from framings around resource scarcity and security to sustainable natural resource governance and peace (Brauch et al., 2016; Barnett, 2018; Dresse et al., 2018; Day and Caus, 2020). Recognising that conflict results from underlying vulnerabilities, development that reduces vulnerability offers the best win-win option for building sustainable, climateresilient peace rather than specific security-focused interventions (high confidence). To this end, meeting the SDGs represents an unambiguous path to reducing conflict risk in a climate-changed world (Singh and Chudasama, 2021). There is growing acceptance in the development community, despite reservations about the securitisation of climate, that instability and conflict exacerbated by climate change has the potential to undermine development gains (Casado-Asensio et al., 2020; Day and Caus, 2020).
Core to achieving climate-resilient peace are new ways of working that involve cross-issue and cross-sectoral collaboration and integration as a default to policy and programming. The Security Council Resolution 1325 Women and peace and security (S/RES/1325 (2000)) and the Sustaining Peace Agenda (A/RES/70/262 (2016)) are notable examples of this. The 2020 UNEP report on gender and security recommends integrated policy frameworks, better financing to strengthen women’s roles in peacebuilding, integrated programme design, and further research on gender, climate and security linkages. Inclusive approaches recognise that much of the vulnerability that drives conflict risk is generated by existing inequality and marginalisation of large proportions of the population—for example women and youth—and that peace cannot be achieved without their needs being taken into account and without their participation in peace processes (Mosello et al., 2021). Diverse and inclusive partnerships also require ways to better engage local-level participation, and improve understanding of how to build consensus through human rights-based approaches that recognize non-violent conflict and protest to be potentially positive and constructive elements of transformational approaches to building resilience (Nursey-Bray, 2017; Ensor et al., 2018; Schipper et al., 2021). Addressing the lack of participation of researchers and experts from countries most at risk of conflict in many climate-related conflict and peacebuilding assessments and initiatives could also support this objective. There is an increasing focus on the role of environmental defenders in highlighting violations and gaps in state obligations through non-violent protest (Butt et al., 2019; Scheidel et al., 2020).
Figure FAQ7.1.1 | Pathways from hazards, exposure and vulnerabilities to climate change impacts on health outcomes and health systems. WBD: waterborne disease, VBD: Vector-borne disease, and FBD: Food-borne disease.
Please refer to page 1138 to see Figure 7.1.1, which mentions gender.
Figure FAQ7.1.2 | Climate change impacts on mental health and key adaptation responses. PTSD: Post traumatic stress disorder.
Please refer to page 1139 to see Figure 7.1.1, which mentions gender.
